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On 19 December at 5am in the morning, Turkish special police and the Turkish army stormed 20 prisons, using pneumatic hammers, building machines, and firing at the prisoners with tear gas and guns. With this attack, cynically called "Return to Life", and which so far left more than 30 people dead, the Turkish authorities aimed to break the hunger strike until death ("death fast") of 280 political prisoners, who were supported by 800 prisoners in a solidarity hunger strike. With this hunger strike the prisoners tried to resist against their transfer to so-called "F Type" prisons. These prisons, with their 1-3 bed cells, are designed to break the self-organised structure of the political prisoners in Turkish prisons. The prisoners not only protest against the break-up of their structure which is seen as an attempt to destroy their political identity, but also fear an increased risk of torture and humiliation as a result of the loss of protection from the group.
Inspite of the armed intervention and the transfer of the prisoners to F Type prisons, the prisoners' resistance couldn't be broken. The death fast continues in the F Type prisons and in the hospitals, where prisoners resist being force-fed.
Simultaneously with the armed intervention many office of civil society groups were raided by police, the association of relatives of the prisoners, TAYAD, was closed. Shortly after, pressure on civil society groups supporting the hunger strike was increased.
War Resisters' International, 15.01.2001
taken from: News from the Turkey work of KURVE Wustrow No. 6, Izmir, 22.12.2000
On Tuesday, 19 December, at 5 am in the morning, special units of the police and the army began to attach 20 prisons and the hunger strikers in these prisons. The aim was to transfer the prisoners to hospitals and "type F" prisons and to bring the hunger strike to an end. In this article, we document the events and do a first evaluation.
All expectations which saw the Turkish state on the road to democratisation were painfully disappointed. With the use of emergency regulations, special units and building machines the Turkish government tries to break the hunger strikers' resistance. The last weapon the hunger strikers see for themselves in their "death fast" is to burn themselves. Up to now the number of people dead according to official figures reached 17.
The life of even more prisoners is under threat. Until the storming of the prisons 280 prisoners participated in the death fast, and more than 800 in an solidarity hunger strike. Those who were transferred to hospitals so far refuse to take any nourishment and are resisting forced feeding.
The state's stroke is not only aimed towards the prisoners; human rights associations, parties and trade unions were raided. The association of relatives of the prisoners, TAYAD, was closed.
The instruments used by the state during the intervention called "Return to live" make a mockery of any state of law regulation, and in fact are a stroke against all civil society groups, which react in joint declarations.
Until Monday last week, the hunger strike and death fast had a good chance to achieve a workable compromise with the government. The prisoners resist against their transfer to new prisons with 1- or 3-person cells. The prisons, which are named Type F, also allow for a total isolation of the prisoners, which would result in deprivation. In the smaller cells prisoners are less protected from attacks by the gendarmes and from torture. The breaking up of the existing groups of 30 or 40 prisoners into much smaller units weakens the social and political cohesion.
Until last Monday the public opinion continuously increased in favour of the demands of the prisoners and supporting civil society groups. The Turkish Chamber of Physicians spoke out against forced feeding, because this would be in opposition to statements by the World Chamber of Physicians (1975, 1991). In an highly visible action, which was documented on TV, four isolation cells were built after the model of Type F prisons. Artists went into these transparent cells and improvised, talked about their feelings, kept silent, recited poems.
Well known intellectuals started attempts to mediate, the government appointed the human rights commission of the Turkish parliament (HR-commission) as a mediator, and following this the Turkish Minister for Justice, Türk, on 9.12. agreed to postpone the transfer to the new Type F prisons. He also said that a new arrangement of the cells with 12 + 6 or 9 + 9 beds, which is possible from the side of the building, is a proposal worth investigating. But the hunger strikers did not want to accept only vague promises, and demand a written agreement.
An armed attack on a police bus by the marxist-leninist TKP/ML on 11.12. marks the public turning point of the conflict. The shots from rifles by 2 or 3 TKP/ML activists on a mobile police unit in Istanbul kills two police men, 11 were wounded and many suffer from a serious shock.
The following day in many cities the police demonstrates and demands the removal of police chiefs and ministers from their posts, whom they see as responsible for taking much too weak measures against "terrorism".
It seems the state had waited for this turning point, and if TKP/ML wouldn't have provided the reason, then the state would have had to invent one. After the attack on the police legends were increasingly spread that some of the large cells in the prison of Bayrampasa were not entered by the gendarmes since 1991 and were controlled by the Mafia. The public prosecutor who were responsible for this prison at that time unmasks these legends in an interview he gave to CNN on 19.12. He said he visited the cells several times in the last years and had invited the press to document how these cells were searched. Until now only a small number of primitive self-constructed weapons had been found. Kalashnikovs, with which the special units claimed were fired at, couldn't be found. Gendarmes of the prison Bayrampasa reported in an interview on 21.12., that the violence of the special units was unnecessary and only served to justify the transfer of the prisoners to Type F prisons.
After the attack on the police and the police's demonstrations the events were speeded up. Although the delegations still attempt to mediate and a compromise seems to be close, the course for attacks on the prisons is set. The State Security Court issues a press censorship. From 14.12. on every report on actions in support of the prisoners and protests outside of the prisons is prohibited. The media in its majority accepts this censorship and so the conflict is focused on the prisoners themselves. Leading politicians such as premier Ecevit and president Sezer were quoted with sharp words against the prisoners. The attempts to mediate were presented as having no chance and success. A memorandum is issued to the city governors responsible for the prisons, which prepares them for the attack. In this week the hunger strike reaches its 60th day. The experience from past hunger strikes and death fast's tells, that from the 60th day on the first people will die. Simultaneously on the weekend the human rights week, with a lots of events which could have provided the core for protests, if the intervention would have started at that time, ends.
With this attack the ministries responsible for this (Justice, Health and Internal Affairs) put the so-called protocol of three into practise, which was worked out after the hunger strike in 1996. The protocol of three doesn't have any legal base and limits the rights of physicians, lawyers, prisoners and journalists seriously. Two kilometres of "security zones" are introduced around the prisons. The public prosecutors, who are normally in charge of the prisons, are freed of their responsibilities, which are transferred to a crisis management group. Following this, the lawyers for one day were not allowed to visit the prisoners. Those prisoners who participated in the death fast and until then only took water with sugar, from then on also refused to take any fluids. The defend their rights putting their lives into the line. A hunger strike or death fast can lead to permanent damages from the 30th day on, depending on the constitution of the fasting person. Those who participated in the 1996 hunger strike were reported to suffer from damages to their sight, extreme difficulties with speaking up to the permanent loss of speech, damages of inner organs and being crippled. Then the death fast lasted 62 days. 12 persons died. The hunger strike was ended, after the prisoners succeeded with their demand not to be transferred to the new Eskisehir prison, the prototype of the Type F prisons.
For many leftist groups and individuals this struggle is very important especially as it is about defending their already very limited rights. "Even after the coup d'etat in 1980 the state didn't act as strong against 20 prisons at the same time. If they also take the hunger strike away from us, we loose are last effective means for struggle", says Coskun Üsterci, activists with the War Resisters Association. But the mood at the demonstrations wavers between a fighting mood and hopelessness. The left's weakness is obvious for years and on demonstrations you can hear the sentence: "Why were we born exactly in this country? No matter what we try, nothing changes."
On participant in a demonstration describes the deep hopelessness of the left as follows: "The worst thing is, to loose sense. You are living in this country, and you have an image of how you want to live. Both images depart from each other like a pair of scissors. How can you bear this split? There is no time when you can say 'We achieved this success'. Just the opposite: there are always new strokes and setbacks. After the capture of Öcalan we experienced with an unbelievable presence of the fascist MHP and many attacks on left party buildings and associations the last stroke against the left, and now one more. What is lying between these strokes, the seemingly normal times, are misleading. The talks about EU are misleading. The state could have chosen a different path here, but he chose the hard one."
Since the beginning of December small daily demonstrations, vigils and rallies in Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir and other cities.
3.12. On the 45th day of the hunger strike, premier Ecevit declares that they are thinking of an intervention. The Chamber of Physicians discusses, if forced feeding is in accordance with the professional ethos.
4.12. Two of the then 99 participants of the death fast reach the critical, life threatening phase on the 46th day. A group of intellectuals and representatives of human rights organisations is allowed to meet Ministry of Justice Hikmet Sami Türk. The meeting doesn't promise any hope.
7.12. The Ministry of Justice declares that the opening of the F Type prisons can be postponed and that the government is prepared to take public opinion into account. This is seen as a first sign of giving in.
9.12. A group consisting of Yasar Kemal (writer), Orhan Pamuk (writer), Can Dündar (journalist), Oral Calislar (journalist of Cumhuriyet) and Zülfü Livaneli (musician) tries to mediate. Members of the Human Rights Commission of the Turkish Parliament visit the prison of Bayrampasa close to Istanbul to talk with representatives of the prisoners. At the same time the Ministry of Justice declares that the opening of the prisons will be postponed until a new investigation by the chambers of physicians, architects and lawyers. The prisoners refuse to accept this as 'not enough'.
In Istanbul four cells are set up during an action by artists, who recite from these cells.
10.12. International Human Rights Day. Beginning of the human rights week with many events and demonstrations.
In the mediation between the HR-Commission and the prisoners a search for a new arrangement of the cells in the F Type prison is under way. For the first time it is publicly talked about the so-called 12 + 6 or 9 + 9 option.
The chair of the European Committee for the Abolishment of Torture, Silvia Casala, visits Bayrampasa prison at Istanbul.
The activist Özcan Tekin is shot by the police while putting up posters against F Type prisons.
11.12. Ongoing mediation talks between the HR Commission, a representative of the chamber of physicians, and the prisoners. After the talks Bekaroglu states that there is new hope and announces a meeting with the Ministry of Justice.
Oral Calislar, the representative of the intellectuals, sees the 9 + 9 or 12 + 6 option as possible.
In the night in Istanbul a police bus is shot at, two police men are dead, 12 wounded, many suffer from a shock.
12.12. The HR Commission again states that there is hope after they met with the Ministry of Justice, and again leaves for mediation attempts to Istanbul.
More than 4,000 police demonstrate in Istanbul in reaction to the attack on the police bus. In Ankara a demonstration against the new F Type prisons is attacked by supports of the fascist MHP and police, which results in street fights. Supports of MHP attack offices of leftist-progressive groups. Later some of these offices were raided by the police.
Bekaroglu states that the provocative events had a negative influence on the attempts of the HR Commission to bring the hunger strike to an end.
13.12. In several cities of Turkey mass demonstrations of police take place. The civil society groups cancel their daily support actions for this day; out of fear and in order not to provide a reason for an escalation.
After a new meeting in Bayrampasa between the HR Commission and prisoners, Bekarogul again is optimistic. The HR Commission decides to remain in Istanbul until the end of the hunger strike.
14.12. Ecevit intervenes in the discussion on the hunger strike sharply: The demands of the prisoners cannot by accepted by any state. They themselves will be responsible for cases of death. The Ministry of Health issues a memorandum to the city governors, who are responsible for the prisons, and wa ns them that in case of an intervention emergency teams need to be ready. The State Security Court issues press censorship. Reports on actions in support of the prisoners and against F Type prisons are prohibited. As a result, reports on these actions stop to appear.
The group of intellectuals stops their mediation efforts, after they realise that the state is not interested in mediation any more.
15.12. President Sezer declares: It cannot be accepted that demands are forced through with the threat to put lives into danger.
17.12. Another group of intellectuals and writers, who want to start a new mediation, is prohibited from entering Bayrampasa prison.
18.12. The prisoners declare that they will burn themselves in case of an intervention. A meeting between Ministry of Justice Türk, Premier Ecevit, and Ministry for Internal Affair Tantan takes place. (That this meetings is news points to the fact that the media sees this meeting as a sign for the preparation of an intervention.)
19.12. At 5.00 am local time attacks start against all 20 prisons where hunger strikes and death fasts take place. Some of the prisoners burn themselves, some die as a result of the attacks. News are unclear, because the public is not allowed to come near to the prisons. An end of the hunger strike couldn't be enforced.
Many civil society organisations are raided. The association of relatives, TAYAD, is closed.
Spontaneous demonstrations of protest in Istanbul and Ankara are prevented. Many demonstrators are taken into custody.
20.12. About 600 prisoners were transferred to F Type prisons. Details about the attacks get known. With pneumatic hammers and building machines the walls of the prisons were turned down, because the prisoners blocked the entrance to the cells with barricades. The resisted for example by putting the doors to their cells under electricity. Police reacts with tear gas. A prisoner lights himself and runs towards the police as a torch. He is shot. Only from the side of the state reports are issued the prisoners opened fire, and police only fired back.
21.12. Gendarmes of the Bayrampasa prison close to Istanbul tell the newspaper Radikal that the intervention to end the hunger strike was taken as a reason in order to begin with the transfer of prisoners to F Type prisons. Violence on the side of the special units was escalated unnecessarily, and the aim was not to save lives.
Izmir branch of Human Rights Association (IHD) closed.
On the initiative of the city governor Alaattin Yüksel, on Tuesday, 02.01.2001 the Izmir branch of IHD was closed for ten days. The reasons given for the appeal to close the association, which were accepted by the court, state the following:
IHD is among those organisations which publicly name human rights violations and torture of prisoners. As a result of this, IHD takes part in all alliances working on these issues, regularly speaks out in public, and all this obviously also during the hunger strike actions in Turkish prisons.
Prior to the at present only temporary closure of IHD, there were public threads from the Ministry of Justice. After the attack on the prisons he was cited in the Turkish daily Radikal on 25.12.00 saying "We call on the civil society organisations, not to support the demands of the prisoners any further."
The closure of the Human Rights Association in Izmir is seen by the large majority of civil society groups in Izmir as an attack on the rights of associations, that cannot be accepted. The temporary closure, which can be seen as a warning, cannot be accepted without objections. Critical voices shall be silenced.
The Platform for Democracy Izmir, the Lawyers Chamber, the Umbrella organisation of professional associations, and the trade unions association condemned the temporary closure in press conferences. As long as IHD is closed, they take turns in offering their rooms to IHD.
According to information from the Ankara branch of IHD, similar investigations are under way against them. A temporary closure of IHD Ankara must be expected.
We call to protest against the closure of IHD Izmir, and to signal to the Premier, the Ministry for Internal Affairs, and the city governor of Izmir, that this step towards a further escalation will be noticed by the international public.
Please write short protest faxes in Turkish, German or English to:
Premier, Bülent Ecevit +90-312-4191547
Ministry for Internal Affairs, Sadettin Tantan +90-312-4181795
City Governor of Izmir, Alaattin Yüksel +90-232-3832285
(unauthorised translation by Andreas Speck)
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