WRI homepage > Publications > The Broken Rifle > No.37, December 1996

Prisoners for Peace 1996

Honour roll and campaign pack

• War resisters banned
• Turkey: from invasion to resistance
• Insumisión in the barracks
• Preservatives for prisoners!
• Prisoners for Peace Honour Roll 1996
• Israeli Defence Forces in crisis
• 10 years in solitary
• Burma: the struggle against militarism
• Burma contacts
• Surviving in prison

War resisters banned

Osman Murat Ülke faces trial in Ankara Military Court on Tuesday, 19 November for "alienating the public from the military" by burning his military papers. Osman, who has been detained since 7 October, ended his hunger strike after 21 days when the authorities accepted that he refuses to wear military uniform. He remains isolated from other prisoners -- most of whom are deserters. However, he now has a bed, a light, and reading and writing materials. His weight has fallen from 71 kilos to 60.

Osman now anticipates three possible outcomes to his trial:

• most probable is that he will be sent to a military unit;
• he could be detained longer in Mamak Military Prison, awaiting trial;
• or he could be released, also pending trial.

If he is sent to his military unit, in Bilecik in Bursa county, the punishment stipulated by military regulations is one week in a cell in barracks. Continued refusal would bring an additional month before being transferred to a military prison. However, Osman and his lawyers know of no precedent for this kind of refusal -- and there is always the risk of soldiers trying to break Osman's will by beatings.

While Osman has been in prison, a movement has grown up in his support throughout Turkey, with six solidarity committees in in Ankara, Antalya, Bodrum, Eskisehir, Istanbul and Izmir.

At the same time, the Governor of Izmir has demonstrated the authorities' determination to nip any war resistance movement in the bud. On 6 November, he closed down the office of Izmir War Resisters' Association (Savas Karsitlari Dernegi) for distributing leaflets without permission -- the leaflets criticised Article 155 under which Osman is being charged. ISKD members have re-organised to carry on campaigning.

An international delegation will be in Ankara to attend Osman's trial. Participants are Tony Smythe from London, England; Holger Jänicke and Jan Brauns from Dortmund, Germany; and a representative of the Greek Solidarity Committee for Osman. A deserter, the Greek delegate intends to announce in Ankara his own refusal of any further cooperation with Greek military forces -- a dramatic expression of anti-militarist solidarity on both sides of the Aegean. (Greece, like Turkey, does not recognise any right to conscientious objection.)

There have been demonstrations in front of the Turkish embassy in Madrid and Turkish consulates in Hamburg, Düsseldorf, Bonn, Frankfurt and Berlin in Germany.

Turkey: from invasion to resistance

The constitution calls it "fatherland service" and requires all male Turkish citizens over 20 years old to do military service. Yet, despite the strength of Turkey's militarist traditions, for years there has been widespread avoidance of conscription.

It used to be official: anyone could have their military service reduced to a month's basic training simply by paying a "ransom". Others took advantage of the inefficiencies of Turkish bureaucracy or deferments such as those available to students. Somehow, even though their military registration number is included on their identity cards, the sons of the rich and influential seemed to find it especially easy to avoid doing military service.

However, since December 1993 the Turkish government, wanting to bring the undeclared war in the south-east (Kurdistan) to an end, has been taking measures to deal with its military manpower (sic) problems. Estimating there were 250,000 deserters and draft evaders, it issued an ultimatum: report by May or else face a prison sentence of up to three years, plus military service. According to official figures, only 50,000 reported, and so in February 1994 the "ransom" option -- set at 10,000 DM -- was restricted to Turks living abroad. Before long military service was lengthened, from 15 to 18 months.

At the same time, it has not wanted to tackle head-on anyone's determined refusal to fight. The first public objectors in 1990 were anarchists, Tayfun Gönül and Vedat Zencir. For Tayfun, "conscientious objection is a political act, a way of making the army debatable. In Turkey, for historical reasons, the army is taboo. Turkey was founded by military officers. That is why the use of force has a secure place in Turkish culture. The male has a dominant position, war heroes are idolised". Keeping the army above debate, the authorities charged him not with refusing to do military service, but under Article 155 of the Turkish Penal Code, "alienating the people from the military". Tayfun and Vedat were fined in 1990.

Founding of War Resisters' Association

They were two of the founders of Savaº Kar¹itlari Dernegi (War Resisters' Association) in Izmir in December 1992. The group's aims were support for objectors and public consciousness-raising against the war. At the outset, SKD embarked on a strategy of confrontation. Within a month of its foundation, six members called a press conference to declare their objection. The authorities did not react. SKD then initiated a Peace Journey to Kurdistan, involving other non-governmental groups in Izmir, which in turn led to the Izmir Peace Platform -- a coordination of groups campaigning against the war. In July, without permission, the group hosted the International CO Meeting which also attracted anti-militarists from other parts of Turkey.

In Turkey, all associations are supposed to register with the government. In November 1993, the government refused to accept SKD in Izmir. This did not stop activity. Indeed in February 1994 a new Izmir SKD, with a new constitution, was launched and embarked on the lengthy process of registration.

After a TV interview about CO in December 1993, two SKD members -- Aytek Özel and Menderes Meltli -- were arrested for contravening Article 155, leading to a sentence of one year and 15 days for Aytek (Menderes went into hiding). At least ten peace activists, five journalists and a committee of a branch of the Human Rights Association have since been charged under Article 155.

The biggest case followed a press conference of the Istanbul SKD. Istanbul SKD had been set up in September 1993 with a somewhat different orientation to Izmir, less anarchist and more socialist, not united against all war but primarily against the war in Kurdistan. In May 1994, two days after International CO Day which had focused on Turkey, and two days before the government ultimatum to evaders expired, they called a press conference. Their president, Arif Hikmet Iyidogan, urged conscripts not to answer the call-up and demanded the right to CO in Turkey. Osman Murat Ülke stated that Izmir shared these views, and then three objectors declared that they refused military service. Arrests swiftly followed, of SKD members and of members of a German delegation, and Istanbul SKD was itself declared illegal. Arif, Osman, Mehmet Sefa Fersal and Gökhan Demirkiran were all charged under Article 155.

Held in Mamak Military Prison awaiting trial for over two months, Arif was forced to wear military uniform, although he successfully refused military training. At one court hearing, however, he dramatically took off the military uniform, declaring that he would never become a soldier.

The case concluded over a year later, on 29 August 1995, when Arif was sentenced to six months, Gökhan to four, and Mehmet to two. Osman was acquitted as he had not been one of the organisers, but was straightaway taken to the recruiting office and ordered to join a military unit. Instead, on 1 September 1995, Osman burnt his military papers at a press conference, declaring "I am not a draft evader, but a conscientious objector".

Building solid structures

Throughout the period of this trial, Izmir SKD had been following a quieter, non-confrontational strategy to give their movement a sound basis. This meant building solid structures in Turkey and integrating with an international network; preparing the first COs "to go through fire and water"; and establishing CO as an independent concept that could not be hi-jacked by groups advocating class warfare or war for national independence.

Osman burning his military papers marked a new phase. Behind him are others, also prepared to go public and to take consequences of their objection. The days of evasion are not over, but perhaps the days of resistance have arrived.

Insumisión in the barracks

Elias and Ramiro looked around as they entered the barracks on 5 November. How on earth had they, two anti-militarists, ended up here? "OK, it's tough to be a MOC activist, but standing In the ranks trying to look military as you figure out what the sergeant's barking means, that may be just too much!"

They are taking it with good humour, as If they're in a surrealistic story. They'll play soldiers for awhile before they finally report to -their" commander and announce that they are total resisters and therefore refuse to obey orders and to perform military service.

This is the latest strategy, designed by MOC at its summer meeting. Imprisonment has proved a really counter-productive form of repression, so now jail sentences for total resisters are being replaced by a punishment more subtle and less easy to use politically: loss of civic rights. Now, only those who r~ fuse once they have begun military service will be sent to jail. Hence insumisión en los cuarteles - total resistance in the bar-racks. The idea is to challenge the state either to imprison resisters in the army or to accept that conscription doesn't make sense.

Even if this is an effective counter against "low intensity repression", the crumbling of conscription means that it's time for groups like MOC to switch strategies. Many of us feel that, even before conscription is finally abolished, we should shift the focus of our struggle away from military service. This does not mean simply choosing new issues for campaigns, but assessing the legacy of the conscription system for past campaigns.

In practice, and despite our theoretical declarations, we are strongly male oriented. There is still a certain trend to indulge in the ethos and tactics of martyrdom. We keep giving too much Importance to the correctness and coherence of our action at the personal level, so neglecting to analyse their global consequences in political terms. Some groups in some countries have compromised to the point of accepting that, because one has a moral obligation to contribute somehow to the community, the state has a right to compel people to do some sort of service -quite a dangerous assumption at a time when many governments are considering establishing a general compulsory social service.

Many European governments

are looking for a "peaceful transition" to professionalisation of the military. For this, they need to offer new reasons for people to feel the need for a military defence, with strong investments in high-tech industry. Therefore, we decided not to let conscription die in peace but instead give our resistance a social impact against the military as a whole. We don't just refuse to take part in the army, but also denounce the military interests advocating the abolition of conscription, and present a social challenge to military concepts of humanitarian intervention, security, crisis management, or peacekeeping.

It won't be easy for us to change. Some of us will tend to think the time to struggle is past; others will see it as a matter of switching the focus to tax resistance, peace education and nonmilitary defence alternatives. The reality will be a lot more complicated. The transition for our movement is an open process, one that will take open minds, so that similar discussions and experiences around the world help us all to find new paths to demilitarisation.

Preservatives for prisoners!

As well as being Prisoners for Peace Day, 1 December is now World AIDS Awareness Day. Insumisión Rosa (Pink Resistance), the gay group in MOC-Madrid, hand out the following text:

Since objectors have been going to prison, we have denounced the treatment of people deprived of their liberty and of prison rules which block the flee circulation of syringes and condoms.

We call for the implementation of Article 60 of the constitution, so that those terminally m with AIDS will be free to live their final days as they wish. Twenty six per cent of the prison population carry the HIV virus. AIDS-related illnesses such as tuberculosis are spread with minimal prevention.

Now, with the new system of inhabilitación (instead of imprisoning total resisters, barring them from employment in the public sector), they try to keep us tar away from any kind of social work. They don't want nurses, teachers, doctors, social workers to be the kind of disobedient people who will criticise the system and bring to light the shameful marginalisation in which many people live.

The budgets have been cut in the fields that can do most to prevent AIDS - education, culture, social assistance - and in Its treatment - health - while expenditure on military research and industry has increased in order to professionalise the army and to become part of the integrated military structure of NATO.

As objectors and insumisos, we criticise, protest,, raise consciousness, act in solidarity and, of course, disobey. Take syringes and condoms to prison! if you work as a volunteer against AIDS, don't accept those compelled to do substitutory service in your organisation! Shift military spending to social ends!

Prisoners for Peace Honour Roll 1996

1 December is Prisoners for Peace Day

Every December, War Resisters' International invites supporters to send greeting cards to prisoners for peace. This Honour Roll includes imprisoned conscientious objectors and nonviolent activists who have tried to obstruct war preparations. Each year, we also focus on one of the nonviolent struggles around the world: this year it is in Burma, where a military régime suppresses democratic organisations and wages a war against tribal groups.

Cyprus

There are religious COs currently imprisoned in southern Cyprus, but they do not wish to have their names published. They can face up to 26 months in prison.

France

Since an agreement passed last year with the government, Jehovah's Witnesses accept an alternative service and no longer go to prison. Four total resisters, members of WRI's affiliate RIRE, will stand trial either on 13 December or in February (see article p....).

Germany

Axel Weiss
Jugendanstalt Leineberg
Rosdorfer Weg 75
D-37077 Göttingen
Germany
(in 19/09/96 -- out 03/97)
Total objector

Greece

Greece is the only member of the European Union which has not yet recognised the right to CO. It has no alternative civilian service. Currently some 250 Jehovah's Witnesses are in prison for refusing military service, generally serving 4-year sentences.

For Jehovah's Witnesses:
"Imprisoned Objectors"
c/o Thanassis Reppas (lawyer)
10 Lykourgu St.
10551 Athens
Greece

Israel

Sergei Ashin
Prison: Military Prison No 6
Atlit
Israel

(in 04/11/96 -- )
Christian pacifist from Haifa sentenced by an officer to 28 days of imprisonment. Transferred to a military prison in Atlit on 6/11/96. Awaiting a date for a hearing by the Israeli High Court of Justice of his petition against a military committee's refusal to grant him an exemption as a CO.

Eran Avikhazar
Home: Rabbi Meir 9
Jerusalem 93185
Israel

CO sentenced by the military tribunal in Jaffa to 45 days in prison and 45 more days of "conditional imprisonment". Due to be released on 19 November, but facing further call-ups. His 45 days of "conditional imprisonment" could then be added to the next sentence.

Mordechai Vanunu
Ashkelon Prison
PO Box 17
Ashkalon
Israel

Kidnapped in Italy in 1986, sentenced in 1988 to 18 years for exposing Israel's nuclear programme. Still in solitary confinement. (see article on p....).

Italy

Marco Avatane
(in 08/96 -- out 12/97)
Sentenced for having painted slogans on official buildings during a demonstration in support of Marzio Muccitelli.

Marzio Muccitelli
(in 19/08/96 -- 06/96)
Deserted after a few days of military service.

Carcere Le Vallette
Via Pianezza, 300
10151 Torino
Italy

Netherlands

Conscription has now been abolished. However, hundreds of total objectors are still awaiting their sentence (usually 7 months).

Leon Wechgelaer
p/a PI Overamstel
De Schans 3/2
H.J.E. Wenckebachweg 48
1096 AN Amsterdam
The Netherlands

(out 03/12/96)
Total objector

Norway

Tore H Bøe
c/o Ilseng arbeidskoloni
Boks 40
2344 Ilseng
Norway

(in 03/10/96 -- out 01/97)
Total objector /1st sentence

Atle Hesmyr
HOF arbeidskoloni
Boks 10
3090 HOF
Norway

(in 28/10/96 -- out 05/97)
Total objector / 2nd sentence

Gjermund Koltvelt
c/o Trogestad Kretsfengsel
P.B. 103
Havnas
1860 Trøgstad
Norway

(in 08/09/96 -- out 01/97)
Total objector / 2nd sentence

Russia

Hundreds of soldiers desert from the Russian army every year and thousands more try to evade call up. About 500 soldiers who have deserted from the Chechen war are expected to stand trial over the next few months. Although the right to CO is recognised in the constitution, no provision for objectors has been enacted.

Aleksandr Nikitin
c/o Boris Pustintsev
Citizens Watch
5 Ul Malaya
Koniushenn AYA
191186 St. Petersburg
Russia

(in 06/02/96 --)
Retired first rank naval captain accused of leaking state secrets for having written on accidents on Russian Northern Fleet's submarines and consequences for the environment. (see article.).

Singapore

All male citizens and permanent residents are required to do 2 years' full military service, followed by reserve duty periods of up to 40 days annually until they are 40 years old. Singapore does not recognise the right to CO. Objectors are court-martialled and sentenced to 12 months in military detention. They are then called up again and non-compliance results in further 24-month sentences. Up to 20 Jehovah's Witnesses are currently believed to be in prison.

Slovak Republic

Erik Kratmüller
P.P.119/POO
911 96 TRENÍn
Slovak Republic

(in 12/06/96 -- out 12/97)
Jehovah's Witness who declared his conscientious objection after having started his military service and past the legal deadline of 30 days. He has therefore been denied the right to perform substitutory service.

Milo Lipinský
Lawyer's Address:
GUDr. Lubomir Müller
PO Box 90
19800 PRAG 9
Czech Republic

Free pending retrial. In a case similar to Erik Kratmüller's, he has received a 14 month sentence. The Slovak Supreme Court sent the case for retrial to the same District Military Court. No final decision has been taken.

State of Spain

Total resisters now fall under two different laws. Most of those judged under the previous law are now held in 3rd grade imprisonment (open regime), while a few -- marked with (2) after their name -- remain day and night in prison (2nd grade). Since the application of the new Penal Code in May, total resisters are not imprisoned anymore, but sentenced to between 8 to 14 years of "disqualification" from working in the public sector or receiving any benefit from public funds. (see article p....).

Francisco Alvarez Glez. (2)
Roberto Garcia Campos
Fernando Gonzalez Rodriguez (2)
Juan L. Gutierrez Santiago (2)
Felipe Lagunas Marcos
Xurde Luis Cornejo
Julio Niño Rodriguez
Centro Penitenciario de Villabona
Pinca Tabladiello
[For 2nd cat] Modulo 2
[For 3rd cat] Modulo CIS
Villabona / Asturies
State of Spain

Garikoitz Aboitz Erkiaga
Kepa Ahedo Fernandez Aguirre
Eneko Aira
Luis Angel Alonso Oribe
Aitzol Alzibar Zuazua
Unai Amezaga Albizu
Arnatz Arambarri Echaniz
Juan Aretxaga Aldaturriaga
Jokin Ariño Viar
Aitor Azagirre Aranguren
K. Ballestero
Erri Barriosulo Leoz
Asier Basañez Torron
Anartz Bibao Loiola
Martin Blasco Santiago
Angel Cano Gomez
Eduardo de la Torre Garcia
Carlos Mariano Diez Hueso
Javier Elorriaga Zubizarreta
Juan Carlos Fernandez Moreno
Ignacio Fernancez Tellez
I. Ganboa Garaigorta
Raimundo Garcia Prada
Javier Garcia Zuazola
Javier Garrido Gonzalez
Iban Gaztanbide Saenz
Jon Andoni Goikoetxea Bilbao
Afredo Gonzalez Garcia
Roberto Gonzalez Perez
J. Iñaki Gorostiaga Lezama
Lander Gurtubai Zubero
Josu Hernando Abajo
Fernando Juarez Urguijo
Axier Jugo Alvarez
Jesus Angel Larrea Guerra
David Loiti Mendizabal
Anton Lopez
Cristobal Lopez Anton
Cristobal Lopez
Igor Manzanet Aldea
Juan Carlos Martin Herrera
Gorka Martinez Rebaque
Etor Moria Unamuno
Fernando Negrete Sanchez
Josu Oliver Montiel
Iñigo Oria Elduaien
Juan Maria Ortiz de Zarate Gonzales
Daniel Ortiz Rivas
Ignacio Orue Menedez
Jose Justo Ozaeta Alava
Jeronimo Pacho Velasco
Victor Maria Perez Egido
Fermin Perez Penjo
Iñaki Porras Olaiz
Gorka Regio Garcia
Paco Revueltas Tobio
Javier Rio Nieto
Antonio Rivas Comba
Ibon Roldan Romero
Endika Salegi Basterretxea
Fernando Sanchez Alooba
Ignacio Sanz de la Torriente
Josu Solagaiztua Arza
Aitor Urrutikoetxea Molinedo
Agustin Urzelai
Victor Varela Sanchez
Gaizka Zabala Barruetagena
Joseba Zuzaeta Enbeitia
Centro Penitenciario de Basauri
Avda Lehendakari Agirre s/N
Basauri/Bizkaia
Euskal Herria
State of Spain

Rafael Contrera Doña
Centro Penitenciario
Jerez de la Frontera
Cadiz
State of Spain

Antonio Liñan
Prisión Provincial de Córdoba
Apdo 479
14071 Córdoba
State of Spain

Jose Maria Garcia Espadas
Prisión de Herrera de la Mancha
Apdo 77
13200 Manzanares
Ciudad Real
State of Spain

Adolfo Alfonso Undabarria
Carlos Martinez Baztan (2)
Alvaro Redondo Elizondo (2)
Centro Penitenciario de Nanclares
Nanclares de la Oca
Alava
State of Spain

Axier Arburua
Jon Arozena
Ixaka Cruz
Xabier Etxeberria Agirretxe (2)
Iker Etxezarrag
Antonio Garcia
Jose L. Irazoki
Xabier Jorajuria
Yuso Lombide
Josema Lopez
Gorka Markeida (2)
Juan J. Martin Aparicio
Andoni Sarasola
Prisión Provincial de Martutene
20011 Donostia/ Guipuzkoa
Euskal Herria
State of Spain

Manolo Martinez Gor
Luis Fernando Navio Serrano (2)
Juan Antonio Ortega Iglesias (2)
Manuel Piña
Centro Penitenciario
Avda de Madrid
Granada
State of Spain

Iñigo Afrian Lozano
Cesar Aguirre Larumhe
Iñaki Alestaran
Mikel Altzuat Zaldain
Koldo Alvarez del Barrio (2)
Andoni Andoño Perez
Juamba Ansorena
Sergio Aoiz Bermejo
Angel Aoiz Monreal
Iñaki Apesteguia Jaca
Saul Arangibel (2)
Cruz Aranguren
Alvaro Arizmendi Saldise
Fernando Arnedo
Jon Arocena Albizu
Jose A. Arruti Perez
Jose Maria Artola Turrillas
Oskar Astibia
Jesus Azcona Biurrun
Santiago Azkarate Larraga
Iñigo Azpeitia
Daniel Azpiroz Sosa
Josu Bayo Otxoa
Dani Beaumont
Iñigo Belasko Armendariz (2)
Javier Bengoetxea
Gustabo Beorlegi Armendariz (2)
Andres Bergara Minguez
Francisco Bezunartea Maskaria
Jose Mari Bocanegra Sanchez
Gorka Buena Urrizelqui
Miguel Cebriain
Ruben Ciganda Sanz
Dabid Coronado
Mario Da Silva Gimenez
Angel Del Campo Higuera
Karlos Diaz Oyaga
Mikel Diaz Oyaga
Daniel Diez De Ure
Jon Diez De Ure
Raul Elizalde Marco
Ruben Esparza Tzura
Jose L. Etxeberria Mikele
Xabier Ezkerra Larraza
Iñigo Fernandez Goñi
Karlos Fernandez
Javier Fernandez Blanco
Alberto Flor Lozano
Sergio Galatea Urzainqui
Felix Garcia Urman
Alfredo Garcia Urmuoa
Afredo Garcia Falces
Carlos Garcia Muñoz
Gurnindo Gil
Roberto Glaria Morva
Prio Goikoetxea Garralda
Juan J. Goikoetxea San Roman (2)
Jacinto Gomez Viniegra (2)
Jesus M. Goñi Martinez
Mikel Guruziaga Reparaz
Txabi Hernandez Aristu
Lorentxo Idolarraz Perez
Oskar Ilzarbe Legaria
Iñigo Illescas Orduña
Patxi Ilarraz Perez
Oskar Ilzarbe Legaria
Iñigo Illescas Orduña
Iñigo Imaz
Mikel Irañeta Castillo
Aitor Iriarte
P. J. Iriarte
Marcos Irigoien Saiz
Sergio Isturiz Sanz
David Iturain Jimenez
Unai Jauregui Ganuza
Alfredo Jurio Arburua
Ixaka Kruz Arangoa
Joseba I. Lakuel
Txema Lampreabe
Txomin Larrion (2)
Asier Lasa Etxeberria
Jesus Lecea Beraza
Xabier Leon Artozki
Iñaki Lorea Conde
Miguel Lumbreras
Mikel Lusar Ciriza
Ricardo Marques Rodrigez (2)
Juan C. Martinez Ezquerro
Eneko Martinez Lizarrondo
Tzema Mauleon
Javier Mendia Baigorri
Gaspar Molinero Turrillas
Julio Molinet Sadaba (2)
Josetxo Monasterio Pascual
Fernando Monasterio Ubani
Javier Morales Ocaña
Luis J. Naranjo Duque
Angel Olmos Liberal
Dabid Osakar
Juanjo Oses Soret
Jose A. Otxoa Arellano
Iñigo Pardo Marco
Alberto Parral Escorial
Patxi Pascual Ibiricu
Karmelo Peña Aznarez
David Perez Sevillano
Roberto Prat Urzainqui
Jorge Ribera Yague (2)
Raul Ripodas Sanroman
Mikel Roa Ros
Alfonso Rodrigo Ortiz (2)
Vicente Romero
Boni Romero Diaz
Gorka Rosendo Sarasa (2)
Pedro Ruiz Quintana
Iosu Savatierra Ilarregui
Mikel Sangalo Artola
Igor Sanz Urra
Pablo Sanz Sarries
Ricardo Sarria Carlos
Ricardo Segura Asa
Mikel X. Sola Esteban
Mikel Tarifa Malo
Damjan Torre Vilchez
Jonas Torres Garro
Fernando Txueka
Oskar Urricelqui
Iñaki Urutxurtu Fernandez
Gorka Vales Aristu
Iñaki Vicente Amezkoa
Iban Villanueva Gutierrez
Mikel Zelaya Romeral
Fermin Zozaya Iribarren
Centro Penitenciario de Iruña
C/ San Roque, Apdo 250
31080 Iruña
Euskal Herria
State of Spain

Carlos Paulin
Centro Penitenciario
Apdo 217
Logroño
State of Spain

Xose Luis Cabanes
Centro Penitenciario
Apdo 381
27071 Bonxe (Lugo)
State of Spain

Victor Arias Nuevo
Centro Penitenciario de Carabanchel
Avda de los Poblados s/n
Apdo 27007 Carabanchel (Madrid)
State of Spain

Jose Cepeda Cerdeño
Javier Coteron
Francisco Gomez Rodriguez
Carlos Herrero Canencia
J. Manuel Menendez Fernandez
Luis A. Perez Gimenez
Ricardo Royo Martin
Centro Penitenciario Victoria Kemp
Juan de Vera 8-10
28045 Madrid
State of Spain

Rafael Cantero Guarnido
Francisco Sanchez Pedreño
Prisión Provincial de Murcia
Apdo 796
30833 Sangonera la Verde (Murcia)
State of Spain

Victor Aleman
Francisco Fernandez Justo
Centro Penitenciario Salto del Negro
Apdo 100 - Tafira Alta
35017 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria
State of Spain

Carlos J. Hernandez Vera
Fernando Vizcaino Sosa (2)
Centro Penitenciario
Avda Perez Armas
Santa Cruz de Tenerife
Gran Canarias
State of Spain

Jose M. Perez Moral
Prisión Provincial de Santander
C/ Alta 95
39008 Santander
Cantabria
State of Spain

Carlos Imaz Roncero
Fernando Oyaguez
CP Villanubia
47071 Valladolid
State of Spain

Manolo Caride
Ricardo Conde Fernandez
Xose M. Valeiras Roldan
Centro Penitenciario de Vigo
Avda Madrid 106
Vigo (Pontevedra)
State of Spain

Santiago Monteagudo
Gonzalo Valle
Centro Penitenciario
Avda Republica Argentina 2
43005 Tarragona
State of Spain

Jesus Cisneros Claramunt (2)
Josep A. Garcia Arnau
Alfons Guillem Arener
Guillem Menxeta Peris (2)
Joan J. Rubio Beltran
Tomas Serra Camillo
Centro Penitenciario de Picassent
[For 3rd grade prisoners, add "CIS"]
Apdo 1002
46225 Picassent
Valencia
State of Spain

Alberto Alejandro Anadon
Carlos Apodaka Gorostiza
Javier Estella
Javier Garcia Lopez
David Goñi German
Chabier Mayayo Artigues
Enrique Mur
Centro Penitenciario de Zaragoza
Avda de America 80
50007 Zaragoza
State of Spain

Turkey

Osman Murat Ülke
Ankara Kapali Merkez Cezaevi
Ulucanlar
Ankara
Turkey

(in 07/10/96 --)
Total objector facing trial on 19/11/96, accused of "alienating the people from the military" which carries of sentence of between 2 months and 2 years. See articles on pp.... for information on his case and the international support campaign.

anar Yurdatapan
c/o Human Rights Association
Yüksel C29/13
Yeniehir
06440 Ankara
Turkey

(in 15/10/96 --)
Composer and co-founder of an initiative called "Together for peace" arrested after a press conference. He is currently awaiting trial.

USA

Carl Kabat
OMI #03230-045
PO Box 4000
Springfield, MO 65808
USA

(in 01/04/94 -- out 08/98)
Violation of parole from the 1984 Silo Pruning Hooks disarmament action at a Missouri missile silo in order to do another disarmament action at a North Dakota missile silo on 01/04/94. Completed his state sentence for the second action before being handed over to federal authorities for the parole violation.

Michele Naar-Obed
#15007-056
PMB 1000
Tallahassee, FL 32301
USA

(18 months sentence -- out 11/97)

Erin Seiber
#27024-083
POB 1000
White Deer, PA 17887
USA

(8 months sentence -- out 06/12/96)

Richard Seiber
#27023-083
LSCI - Allenwood
POB 1000
White Deer, PA 17887
USA

(9 months sentence -- 05/97)
Michelle, Erin and Richard disarmed a cruise missile launcher aboard the USS Greenville attack submarine, under construction at Norfolk, Virginia, on 7/08/96.

Rev. Roy Bourgeois
#83274-020
PO Box 150160
Lakewood Station
Atlanta, BA 30315
USA

(6 months sentence -- 20/12/96)
Trespass at U.S. Army counter-insurgency School of the Americas, Ft. Benning, Georgia, on 15 and 16/11/94.

Israeli Defence Forces in crisis

The Israeli army used to be venerated -a symbol and a source of national unity. Against the background of his personal transformation from would-be war hero to resister, Adam Keller traces its decline.

On 8 October, the Supreme Commander of the Israeli Defence Forces (II)F), Amnon Shahak used a ceremonial occasion to make a far from ceremonial speech He complained of the army's deteriorating prestige and a growing alienation between it and civil society: "'How far have we come from the days when an IDF uniform was a source of pride. Nowadays, the ideal Israeli is seen as a stockbroker who spends his holidays skiing in Switzerland. Officers who devote their lives to service are made to feel like suckers."

General Shahak's speech is the most conspicuous sign of the deep crisis through which the Israeli army - and Israeli society in general - is passing.

The Israeli society in which I grew up, in the 1960s and early 1970s, took veneration of the army for granted. Everybody did it, three years conscript service for boys and two for girls. Men continued to do at least a month of reserve service (often much more) each year until the age of 55. His reserve unit was one of his main social milieus, as important as his workplace. Conscientious objectors were a tiny handful. Not only the authorities, but society in general was intolerant of "shirkers" who were often the most lonely of outcasts. It was virtually impossible to gain a job with the government or most major companies without performing regular and reserve military service. This is understandable considering that the start of Israel was created in war, and maintained itself during these decades in total war against its Arab environment, and that Israelis felt the army to be the only guarantee of their physical survival. Perceived as a people's army with an educational as well as a military function, it was the great melting pot where Israelis of disparate and far-flung Jewish communities would coalesce into a single new Hebrew People. There was no distinct "officer class", and (at least in theory) officers would start their careers as privates and he promoted by merit alone.

All this, of course, excluded the Arab Israelis, who were not trusted with weapons and hence not conscripted: their exclusion was used to justify blatant discrimination in civilian life:. "They don't do the same duties as we do, so they don't deserve the same rights" is still the most common argument heard against Arab equality In a less explicit way, this also legitimised women's inferior status. Since their jobs in the army are strictly auxiliary, their share in civilian life should be less. Moreover, on discharge, many army generals and colonels become politicians or business executives, a route of social mobility blocked for women who can't reach such military ranks. To enter upon their civilian jobs alter 20 years' experience in a body where women's discrimination is official and institutionalised inevitably affects the attitudes of such male executives.

Veneration of the army reached a peak alter the smashing victory of 1967. Thousands, of Israelis had "long live the army" bumper stickers. However doubts began to appear, as Israel emerged as the dominant military power in the region, and existential fears were less and less grounded in reality (though to this day they remain deeply ingrained). Also, the IDF had become an army of occupation over the Palestinian civilian population, which increasingly affected both the army S nature and social attitudes to military service.

During the War of Attrition on the Suez Canal (1968-70), satirical reviews in Tel-Aviv for the first time started to question the sacrosanct nature of military service and of "sacrificing your Ii ~ your country". They met with violent attacks from nationalists, yet something of their spirit persisted. Also in that time, a military singing troupe charged with raising soldiers' morale started singing "the peace song", which was soon banned inside the army but became the unofficial anthem of the peace movement.

Discontent increased in the wake of the military fiasco of the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Though it was not always clearly focused politically, more and more Israelis started to feel that the absence of peace was not entirely due to "Arab bloodlust and blind hostility", but that the Israeli establishment had some responsibility. In the late 1970s, the first selective refusers appeared, going to prison instead of to the Occupied Territories. At first they were unorganised individuals, isolated even within the peace movement. Then came the first organised group, the 27 high school kids in Tel-Aviv who declared their refusal in an open letter to the prime minister. Upon conscription, some of them were broken by repeated imprisonments and harassment; others were disposed of by being given a psychiatric discharge; one - Sadi Elgazi - won respect and lasting fame by his principled stand at the court-martial.

At that time I was not myself a refuser. Like most others in the peace movement of 197Os, I accepted the idea that - since war is an existential issue for Israel - peace activists should strive to prevent war from breaking out, but should war come nevertheless, we must participate and show ourselves the best of soldiers - and afterwards comes the next war.

I was disappointed on my conscription in 1974 that my bad eyesight excluded me from combat duty. Like many of my generation, I had dreamed of being a paratrooper, wearing the fabulous red beret which was so attractive to the girls.

For me, as for many, the watershed was the Lebanon war. The open and unashamed aggression, the barbarity of the bombing of Beirut, the Sabra and Shatila massacre, the prolonged futile bloodletting in years of guerrilla war. Lebanon was Israel's Vietnam, and nothing would be the same after June 1982. With 2,000 reserve soldiers joining Yesh Gvul and declaring refusal to serve in Lebanon, and 200 actually serving prison terms, refusal became a distinct - albeit radical - part of Israeli political and social life. And for each one of these 2,000 conscious refusers, there were dozens or hundreds who went to Lebanon under protest, feeling angry and bitter, or who found discreet ways to avoid that duty.

Since the Lebanon war (which never really ended - Israel still occupies a strip of South Lebanon and IDF soldiers still fight a useless, hopeless war against Muslim guerrillas), the army's position in Israeli society steadily deteriorated, under the impact of two forces - political controversy and disaffection, and the growing prosperity of Israeli society, with US-style "consumerism" replacing the Spartan ideals of the Zionist pioneers. These two forces, with their respective results - a conscious, declared, politically and morally articulated total or selective refusal of military service, and a far more widespread, diffuse, non-articulate social acceptance of "shirking" - have been on the rise in the past decade, reinforcing and adding legitimacy to each other.

The intifada years (1987-93) brought a second upsurge of selective refusal, this time focused on the Palestinian territories. Again, as in Lebanon, with 2,000 declaring refusal and 200 actually imprisoned. Some such as myself came to the point of total refusal. For me, the breaking point was the pardon granted in 1990 to four soldiers who had beaten a Palestinian to death. I just could no longer wear the same uniform, in what-ever capacity.

The massive immigration from the former Soviet Union, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, had a distinct effect on military refusal. The immigrants came from a society completely alienated from its army, and brought this attitude to Israel. Also, many of them - although of Jewish origin which gives them the right to Israeli citizenship - are actually Christians, and some belong to pacifist-oriented churches. The number of total refusers - while still quite small in absolute numbers - has increased, and many are immigrants from Russia.

After Oslo, there was a considerable drop in the number of politically-motivated refusals, with the expectation that the occupation would soon end anyway. At the other end of the political spectrum, some extreme nationalists refused military service to express opposition to the Labour Government's "treasonable" policies. But the less politically coherent move of Israeli society away from the army continued unabated. Newspapers no longer exercise self-censorship on such issues as corruption inside the army, training accidents, fatal friendly fire", mistreatment of soldiers by officers or fellow-soldiers; military censorship is less effective, and papers find ways to circumvent it; soldiers' parents take a more and more active role, almost as a soldiers' trade union, keeping constant contact with their sons (many conscripts nowadays carry mobile telephones). Soldiers' mutinies over bad service conditions are frequently reported in the press, and an increasing number of conscripts and reservists find ways of avoiding military service - for example, by accepting a psychiatric discharge. Such avoidance is now widely accepted by families, social acquaintances and employees (employers nowadays actually prefer workers who do not have to be absent on military reserve duty one month of each year). Those who still perform full military duty are not respected as much as regarded as "suckers".

Netanyahu's election victory in May 1996 brought the military crisis into the open, and greatly exacerbated it. The stopping of the peace process and the new confrontation with the Palestinians and Arab world caused a major wave of politically-motivated refusal and disaffection.

Meanwhile the new government regards the army high command with suspicion, seeing the generals as supporters of the previous Labour government (with some justification). This creates a mood of alien- anon, spreading down in the military hierarchy. Also the new government's neo-liberal economic policies include plans for a cut in both the senior officers' salaries and in the benefits to discharged conscripts, further aggravating the sense of alienation at both ends of the military hierarchy.

In the short term, this has an important political implication an effective limitation of Netanyahu's military options Should he try to get out of his political impasse by provoking war with the Palestinians and/or Syria, Netanyahu is likely to encounter a considerable anti-war movement, with many ramifications inside the army. Hopefully his knowledge that this is so might, in itself, help to avert the coming war.

In the longer term, Israel seems headed towards abolition of conscription and a move to a volunteer army - in line with the trend in man' western countries. this prospect has a disturbing aspect. In such a volunteer army, the religious nationalists - the one section of Israeli society where motivation for military service is still high - would preponderate. Already, they are disproportionately represented among IDF lieutenants and captains; within a decade or two, these will be the new colonels and generals. Thus, in the Israel of 2010, a right-wing military coup might he a real possibility.

Some people on the Israeli left feel this danger to be a reason to oppose refusal and actually encourage young left-wingers to take up a military career. I don't share this.view, nor do I feel it is in any practicable. I do feel that this prognosis is one more good reason why we must do all we can to bring the peace process to a quick completion within the coming decade - and establish a peaceful society in. which the army would be reduced to manageable proportions.

10 years in solitary

Mordechai Vanunu has spent 10 years, all in solitary confinement, of an 18-year sentence for revealing datails of larael's nuclear weapons programme to theSundeyThnes in 1986.

On 14 and 15 October, the International Campaign to Free Vanunu held a conference in a beachside hotel in Tel Aviv on Democracy, Human rights and Mordechal Vanunu. It was chaired by Professor Rotblat, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate1995 and other participants included Daniel Ellsberg (whose leaking of the Pentagon Papers helped to end the Vietnam War), three other whistle-blowers, Vanunu's brother Meir, Dr Frank Bamaby, the physicist who debriefed Vanunu before the Sunday Times publicetion, Italian High Court Judge Amedeo Postiglione, Avigdor Feldman, Vanunu's lawyer, and Susannah York.

Holding the conference in Israel was itself an achievement; attracting such high-calibre delegates was another. Israeli organiser YaeI Lotan told the conference, "The media coverage.[in Israel] exceeds our expectations; some log-jam appears to have been broken". A sign of the impact of the conference on Israel was President Weizman agreeing to meet Rotblat afterwards.

Some aspects of the conference were less satisfactory. There was disagreement about its purpose. Rotblat said it was to obtain Vanunu's freedom on purely humane grounds. Others. argued that it should be to carry. on the campaign for which Vanunu gave his freedom: to disseminate information about Israel's nuclear weapons programme and to work for a nuclear-free Middle East. The limitations of the humanitarian approach were shown when Weizman told Roblat that he. would not intervene over Vanunu's imprisonment and that solitary confinement was part of his sentence, then finished by thanking Roblat for helping produce the atom bomb!

David Polden

Campaign to Free Vanunu and for a Nuclear-Free Middle East, 89 Borough High Street, London SEl 1NL (tel/fax +44 171 378 9324)

Burma: the struggle against militarism

Militarism run amok. Massive unemployment, poverty wages, and huge gaps between rich and poor. Corruption and inflation out of control Failing literacy.

Human rights abuses are rampant - fake imprisonment, torture, rape, and many kinds of violence - in part because there is no law except arbitrary military decrees and actions. Each colonel operates like a war lord in his area. Forced labour is widespread. Conscription into the military is ubiquitous, but the wealthy simply buy their way out. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is out of control with at least 300,000 people infected.

There has been civil war m Burma since 1949. Many minority ethnic groups have waged armed struggle; most armed struggles are undemocratic and led by warlord; many have fled.

Nonviolence also has roots in Burma. The monk U Ottama fired up peasants early this century by calling on the British to leave. Buddhism, the major faith, has a long tradition of nonviolence. More recently Aung San Suu Kyi has led a nonviolent campaign to end military rule.

In 1988 millions of people, including all ethnic minorities, women, the first openly gay groups, and soldiers participated in ending one-party rule,

and a succession of dictators resigned. This people's power uprising has changed Burma forever. Before, it was an isolated country ruled by one political party. Because of the uprising, Burma has opened up to the world and even the military gives lip service to "multiparty democracy". Although the uprising was brutally crushed by shooting thousands of demonstrators, the Burmese have had a taste of freedom, of organising, of a free press. They will not ultimately be denied.

In 1990,1 first went to work with Burmese on nonviolent struggle. In six years, there has been little progress inside Burma. The armed groups have largely surrendered but find it difficult to switch to nonviolent struggle. The unarmed groups along the border have made some progress, organising themselves secretly, primarily to smuggle information in and out. They are producing magazines and books on nonviolence and civil disobedience such as the Monkey Master, an ancient Chinese story of monkeys removing oppression through non-cooperation with the slave master.

On the borders, Nonviolence International has provided dozens of workshops on nonviolent struggle for hundreds of Burmese. Nonviolent struggle has provided a common ground for all the ethnic groups to work more closely together. Co-trainers include Gene Sharp and Bob Helvey of the Einstein Institution who teach a pragmatic not-violence as the politically effective thing to do. As many workshops include soldiers, Bob Helvey - by talking former-soldier to soldier - has helped them see that their military struggle is doomed to failure, and maybe nonviolence can be more effective. Other workshop leaders, such as Richard Deats of US Fellowship of Reconciliation, and Burmese leaders such as Aung San Suu Kyi, provide rationale for nonviolence as the right thing to do.

In 1995, Nonviolence International held seminars on political defiance for the Burmese in exile in India. These led to the first Burmese-Indian coalition, the Committee for Nonviolent Action in Burma.

There is perpetual unrest in Burma. Students in September demonstrated against police brutality and in August, labourers from a government railway carriage company went on strike for better wages. Aung San Suu Kyi and her National league for Democracy continue to defy the regime in small ways. Although people hate the militaries, there is no defined peace movement. Nonviolence International is talking with a handful of Burmese interested about promoting education on a military-free Burma.

Burma contacts

AUSTRALIA Australia Burma Council, PO box 2024, Queanbeyan NSW 2620 (tel +61 6 297 7734; email azappia@spirit.com.au).

CANADA Canadian Friends of Burma, 145 Spruce Street, Suite 206, Ottawa, Ontario KIR 6PI (tel 1 613 237 8056; fax +1 613 563 0017; email cfob@web.apc.org).

CZECH REPUBLIC Burma Project, U Zaw Win, Harusova1316, 14900Praha4

FRANCE Association France-Birmanie, Stefan and Judith Collignon, 21, Bvd Henri 1V, Paris 75004.

GERMANY Burma Project Berlin, U Khin Maung Yin, Dorothee Wenner, Siberhammer 78, 13503 Berlin.

GREAT BRITAIN UK Burma Action Group, Collins Studios, 1 Collins Yard, London N1 2XU (tel +44 171 359 7679; fax +44 171 354 3987; email bagp@gn.apc.org).

NETHERLANDS Burma Centrum Netherlands, Irene Bloemink, Paulus Potterstaat 20, 1071 DA Amsterdam.

NORWAY Burma Support Group, c/o Tormod Lien, Postboks 6906, St Olav's Plass, N-0130, Oslo.

SWEDEN Sweden Democratic Burma Friendship Association, Bo Olsson, PO Pox 4034, S-18104, Lidingu.

SWITZERLAND Burma Peace Foundation, David Arnott, 85 Rue de Montbrilliant, 1202, Geneva.

THAILAND Burma Issues, PO Box 1076, Silom Post Office, Bangkok 10504 (email durham@mozart.inet.co.th).

ON THE WEB Free Burma Coalition: http://danenet.wicip.org/fbc/freeburma.html oder http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html

Surviving in prison

Prison conjures up hundreds of images and feelings. And covers a variety of institutions and experiences - from hell-holes of torture and deprivation to well-resourced open campuses. Each person's experience is shaped by myriad factors: gender, race, age, sexuality, geography, character, regime, prisoners, prison officers, family relationships, political climate, and support.

Even within one country prison varies enormously. I have stayed in three different English prisons, twice for one week and once for six months. My week in Winson Green, Birmingham was a nightmare - I got beaten up by the guards, put in a tiny cell with someone in for murder and someone in for manslaughter, denied a vegan diet (so I didn't eat that week), taken before the governor three times and threatened with everything from solitary confinement to the psychiatric wing, and generally and effectively scared out of my pacifist wits. In comparison, my six months in Erlestoke, Wiltshire for disarming an F-111 nuclear-capable fighter-bomber was a holiday camp (although I suffered emotionally): table tennis, badminton, volley ball, a good library, art classes, a view into some woods from my cell window, and I even got training as a brick-layer.

My experiences are those of a a well-supported Western peace activist who deliberately risks prison. At the same time I remember how I find any prisoner writings - from any century, any continent, any perspective - helpful in preparing myself, both internally and externally, and helpful for gaining gain strength from the courage and endurance of others.

The prospect of my first term in prison terrified and froze me. I couldn't picture what it would be like, and yet was desperate to know. What would the cell look like? Where would the toilets be? What do you call prison officers? Who controls the light-switch? What would other prisoners think of me? Could the authorities limit the number of letters I received? How much exercise was I entitled to? How would my parents cope? How would I cope?

I'm much luckier now: I know prison rules, have a good idea about how good and bad prison conditions can be, and have a certain understanding of the emotional terrain. Also, a small group of us have built up good prisoner support skills, resources and practice - a body of support which we can take it in turn to take from and give to.

Prison is an undeniably vulnerable experience. No matter how well-prepared or supported you are. Going into prison is the only time I've contemplated the possibility of being raped. You can be meandering along enjoying a reasonable week and get totally blown away - by a bad letter, a vengeful prison officer, or a strange or threatening remark from a fellow prisoner. This vulnerability can have massive personal ramifications. Activists have committed suicide, partly as a result of bad prison experiences, and good activists have been released from bad times never to be active again.

There were several things I found particularly helpful in preparing for and enduring prison. Writing to prisoners, talking to former prisoners, and reading books and articles by prisoners, encouraged me enormously - everything from the details of prison life, to the courage exhibited in the face of adversities I'll never have to face. Having at least one prison support co-ordinator on the outside was vital - someone to co-ordinate visits, send in pocket money, and deal with requests. Preparing worst and best possible scenario daily routines gave me confidence. (I have a whole daily schedule prepared in case of solitary confinement, and this has helped me access inner reserves should the occasion require.) Another preparation is to sit down with a friend, brainstorm worrying situations that might come up, and then ideas about how to deal with them (for example, how do you deal with the petty orders of a prison officer - obey, defy, ignore? And, what are the possible consequences of these different courses of action?). Some sort of meditative or reflective practice was an essential battery-recharger - be it yoga, meditation, day-dreaming, or regularly remembering people close to me.

Inside I was faced with a daily dilemma between resting too much and resting too little - the depressing and stressful nature of prison life demanded a new, less productive self-image. I had to take naps in the afternoon and expect far less of myself, and yet I was determined not to slob out and do my time semi-comatose. News of nonviolent resistance always buoyed me and letters were a life-line. Something I hadn't imagined before going in was viewing and experiencing my fellow prisoners as my new street, my new neighbours.

My life didn't stop in prison, and I discovered a great deal of warmth and friendship amongst my fellow inmates - especially rich against a background of emotional and physical deprivation. Things I'd take for granted outside became welcome nourishment: a handshake or shared joke would keep me going for a day or more.

I've only encountered one prisoner who obviously didn't like me, but that was enough to cause me hours of anxiety. There again, there were welcome experiences such as the Glaswegian chef leaning over to me and Mike at the dinner line and saying, "Look, I know you're pacifists and all that, but if you get any trouble, just tell me, and I'll sort it out."

Facing prison is neither easy to contemplate, nor to go through with. Some activists in the British environmental direct action and anarchist movements disparage prison as a waste of time politically and personally. Politically, I think prisoners keep us all going, maintain our focus and challenge us all to further action. On the personal level it can be a waste a time, but by no means necessarily so, and, whatever, it seems vital to recognise that going into prison isn't the end of your or someone else's life. One of the reasons many ex-prisoners, if you let them, will talk and talk about their experiences, is that we're trying to break down the isolation we felt whilst inside, to assert that our lives went on, in parallel to and sometimes touching lives on the outside - that our humanity remained and remains intact, if slightly bruised.

Scanning the pages and names of all this year's prisoners for peace, there can be few of us who don't feel significant gratitude and love for our fellow resisters, who don't gain good encouragement from our shared struggle - and who won't half appreciate their support when we ourselves are inside and they themselves are enjoying the freedom they deserve.

This page in
Deutsch »
español »
français »

wri-irg.org
War Resisters' International
Donate to WRI

War Resisters' International, 5 Caledonian Road, London N1 9DX, Britain
Deutsch :: English :: Español :: Français || Website design by Ken Simons