present: Shelley Anderson (IFOR), Bindi Borg (Australia, BiH), Konrad Borst (Germany), Casha Davis (Germany), Kai-Uwe Dosch (DFG-VK, Germany), Farid Esack (South Africa), Bart Horeman (VD, Netherlands), Jorgen Johansen (WRI Chair, Sweden), Koussetogue Koude (Association Jeunesse Anti-Clivage, Chad), Michel Monod (Suisse Sans Armee, Switzerland), Greg Payton (WRL, U.S.A.), Amy Tinto (Balkan Peace Team, Croatia)
Today, the peace movement focuses on very narrow, though very important, issues - such as the campaign for a gun-free society. Other important current campaigns include work by church groups (such as the efforts of Terry Crawford Brown) to challenge the South African arms trade and arms industry. Activists who have politics close to WRI's - such as Members of Parliament Nozizwe Madlala Routldge or Ela Gandhi or Farid himself - have not brought nonviolence into the popular discourse. Nonviolence as a principle has simply not been put on the agenda of South African society.
South Africa today, Farid exclaimed, is "in a mess." One consequence of the armed struggle has been the cheapening of life, the de-humanization of society. In post-apartheid South Africa, a prson can be killed over a pack of cigarettes. On the other hand, South Africa is an amazing country - the only country that has willingly destroyed its own nuclear arsenal, the only country where peace activists have regular dialogues and open forums with the Minister of Defense, where the government supports the transformation of gender relationships. There is a serious problem with arms production and sales - the toys for the boys that make up the Defense Forces - but there are efforts to look at utilizing alternative methods, and the arms industry faces serious economic cuts every year. These aspects of the new South Africa help promote the broader struggle for humanization.
There may still be many inequities but, as Farid stated at a plenary on "Justice After War", "we now have human rights, and one of those rights is to struggle for justice - which we do not have."
The Commission on Gender Equity which Farid heads is one part of this broader humanization project. Though generally in partnership with government, the Commission has the power to investigate, subpeona, search and seize documents - including those of government offices and officers.
Gender discrimination is, by law, defined as a crime against the state - as is all domestic violence. Anybody may therefore report an incident of domestic violence, not just the injured person. Once written, a domestic violence report may not be withdrawn, and investigation will follow. If a policeman refuses to take a complaint, a suit can be brought against the police. The Commission also oversees the legal implications of the re-definition of partnerships. As was noted in plenary, discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is also a crime, and heterosexuals and homosexuals are afforded equal rights by law. The Commission, in fact, is looking into issues of abuse in same-sex partnerships. In general, a policy of concern for "what one does to the least amongst us" is attempted.
There are, Farid reported, "no sacred cows" - he was just involved in the closing of a radio station which didn't allow women on the air; the station owner and manager was his room-mate in seminary. And though the Commission has a large budget and has done extensive work over it's one-and-a-half-year history, Farid noted that if one can't change a country's basic economic conditions - providing shelter and jobs for all - then these efforts will unlikely have lasting effects.
Koude shared that in Chadian society, a man is only considered a brave man when he looks at another man - in the face - before engaging in violence.
Someone with a knife in his back is not considered a brave man. One traditional proverb says that when a lie goes on for more than thirty years, it becomes a truth. With more than thirty years of civil war, people now think that war in Chad is a truth, that it is the way of life.
In the theme group focusing on grassroots movements, Koude gave some details on the history of Chad and the process of building towards democracy. "We are supposed to be a country with a great future, with many raw materials, oil, etc. But instead of being an element of prosperity, it has been a source of conflict." After independence, the republic has had three main periods. From 1958 to 1963 was a time of pluralism and democratic systems - with freedom of the press, freedom of speech and religion. Different ethnic groups lived together without problems. In 1963, a one party system was imposed, not wanted by the people. The Cold War led the colonial powers - especially France - to support a one party state, because it would be much easier to control. This was the beginning of all the problems - all the diversity and plurality of the population was not recognized. Throughout the 1960's and `70's, the country was mainly in the hands of the Christians of the South. Many people of the north (mainly Muslims) thought that it was like an occupation; a liberation army was developed, and hundreds were ultimately imprisoned.
Though this was basically a Muslim movement, it also accepted some Marxist beliefs, and thus got support from China and the Soviet Union. By 1969, civil war had taken up the whole country, with many warlords and at least eleven armed groups, seeing just who could control the capital. In 1980, some of these groups came together, but after some weeks there was fighting again. Between 1982 and 1990, many many people were killed. Everybody knew that the President was a dictator, but he was still supported - by France and the U.S. - because he was seen as a figure against Libyan influence.
Since 1990, Chad has officially been in a process of democratization, but most civic organizations don't think it is for real, it's just words coming from above. At the beginning of 1993, after a national conference of civil society, demands were put into place calling for curriculums on peace education and human rights. Since the government didn't respond, however, TNV and other groups started doing this work on a voluntary basis.
"Education," noted Koude, "is fundamental for changing the culture of violence." Though there are still many problems, the situation of the past years - since the time of general elections - has not been as bad as before. Now, there are more than fifty political parties, ten newspapers, and many grassroots organizations.
Commenting on the role of international solidarity, Koude suggested that the significance of ICOM 1996 was great. For the first time in Chad, a gathering of so many people around the world took place - calling for a support of c.o. rights and nonviolence. A signal was definitely sent to the Chadian government. For civil rights and human rights activists, however, the situation is still a dangerous one. "You can't make democracy from the top-down level," stated Koude, "you have to practice it every day." It takes a long time to make democracy from below. Democracy and human rights are not presents to be given to a population. They must be fought for and worked on.
At the Triennial closing plenary, Koude continued on the importance of a WRI-Africa link. "This conference has provided a real framework for exchange," he noted. "In a world of arms trades, where minority peoples have been unable to raise their voices, with imposed borders, with economic injustice, there are many arguments put forward that our struggle is pointless....I am utterly convinced that we will have the last word - as long as we stand up against violence, against injustice. They may call us utopian, but all of our efforts are already changing the world. Brought up in war, and growing up under war, many have said that my generation has been a sacrificed generation. So I took a position at an early age to say NO to violence and NO to war. In Chad today, there are only two ways to become famous - to become war lord or to engage in the anti-politics of empty words. The time has come to put a stop to that. We may start from a small seed, but that seed will grow. We must continue to work together, so that we may reap the benefits of these seeds."
Nevertheless, trainings in Uganda have continued, and recent trainings, specifically geared towards grassroots women activists, have taken place in Tanzania and Zambia, with one in Nigeria about to take place. Trainings in Zimbabwe have dealt with confrontations between youth and the police. In the past, IFOR had an active group in South Africa, but it was banned in the 1950's. Two IFOR staff people were based in South Africa. The training network has included groups not in IFOR, such as TNV, refugee groups of Rwanda, a Sierra Leone training seminar conducted exclusively by Africans, and a group in Ghana working to contain electoral violence.
IFOR's Women's Program has also had substantial African input, with specific connections to Sudanese Women's Voice for Peace, a Burundi Women's Center, and the new federation affiliated with UNIFEM. The 1999 IFOR Women's Training focus is upon Africa, with plans to bring together women from both French- and English-speaking countries.
Bindi mentioned that she had just come from working in Niger, conducting two-day conflict resolution trainings under the auspices of CARE.
Regarding conferences and actions, there was a report on some suggestions that a future ICOM be held in Congo-Brazzaville. Apparently, there is some interest in the Congo for this; Jan and Matt reminded folks how impossible the idea of the Chad ICOM was just three years ago - yet it took place, with great success. Matt also noted that there had been an informal agreement, at the urging of the South Working Group under Narayan Desai's chair, to hold a Triennial in the south every third meeting. That would indicate a possibility for proposal for an African venue in six years, and it is hardly too soon to plan and investigate options.
The application, as it stands, could not be approved as a section, but could possibly be approved as an associate. Jan had already done some background checking, and has met the key individual involved. After a substantive discussion, the AWG agreed on three courses of action
Though not officially attached to the AWG, Jan and Matt attended this meeting, where the following proposals were agreed upon: